Burkina Faso's Political Reformation and Pathway to Stability
By: Shemusad
The political reform in Burkina Faso first derived from the country current constitution that was adopted in 1991 under the leadership of Blaise Compaore, who came to power after overthrowing Thomas Sankara in 1987. The constitution was amended a number of times mainly to promote and protect the personal interests of the ruling elites and/or of the ruling party. Notably, a 2002 amendment to article 37 of the constitution introduced a two-term limit on the presidency. Despite serving as president for more than a decade preceding the amendments, Compaore was able to run for the presidency in 2005 and 2010 on the ground that the amendments only applied prospectively. An initiative to abolish the term limits to allow Compaore to extend his 27-year rule triggered popular uprisings that ended in his removal from power in October 2014. A transitional government was subsequently established with the mandate to organize elections.
The transition ended with the election of a new president in March 2016. During his inauguration, the newly elected President of Burkina Faso, Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, took a commitment to work on a new constitution. Three months into office, he adopted a declaration establishing a Constitutional Commission to draft a new constitution. The declaration, issued on 16 March 2016, grants the Commission sixty days to hand over its proposals to the President.
The decision to rewrite the constitution was not surprising because of its recurrence in the political debates. During the campaign for the presidential election, all the candidates acknowledged that the current constitution was a nest of troubles and promised to champion the adoption of a new constitution if elected. Among the broader public, especially those who were opposed to the revision of the presidential term limits, the current constitution is associated with and could not survive its main godfather whose regime was swept away in the October 2014 popular uprising. Tailored to cope with the then president’s desires, the 1991 constitution is unclear on crucial issues and allowed extensive interpretations. A new constitution is necessary not only to integrate the fundamental political vision underlying the popular uprising but also to put an end to the continuity of unbounded personal power characterizing the former regime.
in addition, the parliamentary elections in May 2002, the country were the ruling party loose its exclusionary grip on power. For the first time since the restoration of democracy in 1991, the parliamentary opposition now represents a sizeable group. While it retains the majority, the ruling party has to share legislative power with the opposition. These elections marginally alter the structure of power in a deeply presidential system of government. Several institutional and electoral reforms have played a critical role in strengthening the mechanisms of 'vertical accountability' and representative democracy. By assessing recent electoral reforms in Burkina Faso, the article underlines the importance of the electoral system in multiparty elections and thus contributes to our understanding of the effects of changes in electoral rules on the distribution of political outcomes. In particular, it underscores the contribution that institutional engineering and electoral reform can make to further democratization in a semi-authoritarian context. While many challenges to democratic governance and the rule of law remain, the new political landscape holds the promise of changes in the style of government and the emergence of more consensual modes of governance.
It is worrying that political parties complain about a lack of dialogue and have called for an end to the suspension of their activities. Civil society has denounced the repressive use of the April 2023 General Mobilization Act, and several of its representatives who criticized the government’s security choices have been forced to join the Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland. There are also allegations of abuses by defense force members – which the authorities deny. Furthermore, government says it is controlling communication as part of its measures to defeat jihadist groups. But the authorities shouldn’t ignore calls for a more consensual approach that protects civilians, especially when national cohesion is vital for security and durable state governance.
All these challenges provide lessons for countries in transition after military coups. Electoral and institutional reforms are vital to fortify the political landscape. And civil society organizations have a key role in countering the misinformation and disinformation that undermines democracy. The space for civic action and digital communication education is however limited in the current political environment, and CSOs will need to strategies around this.
Lastly, ECOWAS should review its protocols on democracy and good governance so that the bloc can tackle contemporary challenges. Shortcomings such as the absence of term limits, have been identified. The protocol has been used for over two decades, and the rise of coups and unconstitutional changes of government, and the recent withdrawals, suggest that reforms are vital.
The major challenges facing Burkina Faso’s transition are exacerbated by its decision to exit ECOWAS. The withdrawal questions not only the junta’s commitment to holding elections by June 2024 but also the entire transition process. The decision, together with internal conflicts, escalating security concerns and diplomatic shifts, underscore the fragility of Burkina Faso’s transition. Dialogue is urgently needed on the withdrawal and the transition timetable.
The political reform in Burkina Faso first derived from the country current constitution that was adopted in 1991 under the leadership of Blaise Compaore, who came to power after overthrowing Thomas Sankara in 1987. The constitution was amended a number of times mainly to promote and protect the personal interests of the ruling elites and/or of the ruling party. Notably, a 2002 amendment to article 37 of the constitution introduced a two-term limit on the presidency. Despite serving as president for more than a decade preceding the amendments, Compaore was able to run for the presidency in 2005 and 2010 on the ground that the amendments only applied prospectively. An initiative to abolish the term limits to allow Compaore to extend his 27-year rule triggered popular uprisings that ended in his removal from power in October 2014. A transitional government was subsequently established with the mandate to organize elections.
The transition ended with the election of a new president in March 2016. During his inauguration, the newly elected President of Burkina Faso, Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, took a commitment to work on a new constitution. Three months into office, he adopted a declaration establishing a Constitutional Commission to draft a new constitution. The declaration, issued on 16 March 2016, grants the Commission sixty days to hand over its proposals to the President.
The decision to rewrite the constitution was not surprising because of its recurrence in the political debates. During the campaign for the presidential election, all the candidates acknowledged that the current constitution was a nest of troubles and promised to champion the adoption of a new constitution if elected. Among the broader public, especially those who were opposed to the revision of the presidential term limits, the current constitution is associated with and could not survive its main godfather whose regime was swept away in the October 2014 popular uprising. Tailored to cope with the then president’s desires, the 1991 constitution is unclear on crucial issues and allowed extensive interpretations. A new constitution is necessary not only to integrate the fundamental political vision underlying the popular uprising but also to put an end to the continuity of unbounded personal power characterizing the former regime.
in addition, the parliamentary elections in May 2002, the country were the ruling party loose its exclusionary grip on power. For the first time since the restoration of democracy in 1991, the parliamentary opposition now represents a sizeable group. While it retains the majority, the ruling party has to share legislative power with the opposition. These elections marginally alter the structure of power in a deeply presidential system of government. Several institutional and electoral reforms have played a critical role in strengthening the mechanisms of 'vertical accountability' and representative democracy. By assessing recent electoral reforms in Burkina Faso, the article underlines the importance of the electoral system in multiparty elections and thus contributes to our understanding of the effects of changes in electoral rules on the distribution of political outcomes. In particular, it underscores the contribution that institutional engineering and electoral reform can make to further democratization in a semi-authoritarian context. While many challenges to democratic governance and the rule of law remain, the new political landscape holds the promise of changes in the style of government and the emergence of more consensual modes of governance.
It is worrying that political parties complain about a lack of dialogue and have called for an end to the suspension of their activities. Civil society has denounced the repressive use of the April 2023 General Mobilization Act, and several of its representatives who criticized the government’s security choices have been forced to join the Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland. There are also allegations of abuses by defense force members – which the authorities deny. Furthermore, government says it is controlling communication as part of its measures to defeat jihadist groups. But the authorities shouldn’t ignore calls for a more consensual approach that protects civilians, especially when national cohesion is vital for security and durable state governance.
All these challenges provide lessons for countries in transition after military coups. Electoral and institutional reforms are vital to fortify the political landscape. And civil society organizations have a key role in countering the misinformation and disinformation that undermines democracy. The space for civic action and digital communication education is however limited in the current political environment, and CSOs will need to strategies around this.
Lastly, ECOWAS should review its protocols on democracy and good governance so that the bloc can tackle contemporary challenges. Shortcomings such as the absence of term limits, have been identified. The protocol has been used for over two decades, and the rise of coups and unconstitutional changes of government, and the recent withdrawals, suggest that reforms are vital.
The major challenges facing Burkina Faso’s transition are exacerbated by its decision to exit ECOWAS. The withdrawal questions not only the junta’s commitment to holding elections by June 2024 but also the entire transition process. The decision, together with internal conflicts, escalating security concerns and diplomatic shifts, underscore the fragility of Burkina Faso’s transition. Dialogue is urgently needed on the withdrawal and the transition timetable.
Comments
Post a Comment